By Gary A. Mullen
Within the minds of many serious theorists, Theodor W. Adorno epitomizes the failure of serious thought to supply any concrete suggestions for political perform. His identify is nearly synonymous with the retreat of the revolutionary highbrow from the creeping totalitarianism of latest mass democracy. This e-book endeavors to disrupt this false impression via supplying an in depth examining of Adorno’s philosophical war of words with the Holocaust and the trendy conceptions of heritage, morality and subjectivity which are complicit in genocide. via rethinking the connection among cause and remembrance, morality and materiality, mimesis and political violence, Adorno’s paintings deals not just incisive feedback of contemporary political rules and associations, it additionally exhibits us intimations of a distinct political practice.
“Gary Mullen offers a lively protection of Adorno’s oft-maligned try and carry serious conception to undergo at the heritage of eu domination. through getting to the eschatological deep constitution of Adorno’s philosophical undertaking, Mullen deftly counters the preferred interpretation of Adorno as a lapsed (and maybe jaded) champion of cause and enlightenment. As portrayed via Mullen, in truth, Adorno is correctly understood as calling for an intensification of the venture of eu enlightenment and as directing the severe energy of cause towards the particularity of human affliction. As Mullen ably demonstrates, the normative strength of Adorno’s contribution to serious concept derives from his candid war of words with the Holocaust, which, Adorno believed, obliges us to re-think the character and buy of political judgment. this can be a powerful, pressing, and deeply humane e-book. Adorno on Politics may be a useful source for college students and students alike.” —Daniel Conway, Texas A&M collage
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Additional info for Adorno on Politics after Auschwitz
19 Presumably inﬂuenced by his observations at the front, where he met many Jews over the age of forty-two doing hard physical labor, Nagy issued a secret decree on November 6, 1942, providing for the call-up of Jews between twenty-four and thirty-three years of age and for the gradual replacement and eventual demobilization of those over fortytwo. This decree dovetailed with Prime Minister Kállay’s response to the ever-growing pressure by the Third Reich for a radical “solution” to the Jewish question in Hungary.
No other member of the Axis alliance had as comprehensive and multifaceted a forced labor system as did Hungary. This system encompassed hundreds of thousands of Jewish men of military age classiﬁed as “unreliable” and thus deemed unﬁt to bear arms. Organized into military formations under the command and supervision of Hungarian ofﬁcers and guards, these men were supplied with tools and were employed primarily in road building, mining, rail line construction and maintenance, and fortiﬁcation work for the military within Hungary and in many Hungarian and German-occupied parts of the Ukraine and Yugoslavia.
According to its ﬁrst paragraph, all Hungarian citizens twenty-one years of age who were classiﬁed as permanently unsuitable for military service could be compelled to engage in “public labor service” in special labor camps for a period not exceeding three months at a time. The original intent and scope of the labor service system could not be immediately discerned. On the surface, they were not exclusively or even necessarily discriminatory in nature, for those conscripted into this service were envisioned to receive the same pay, clothing, and rations as those in the armed forces.
Adorno on Politics after Auschwitz by Gary A. Mullen